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Princeton University Press. The Russian Anarchists. Stirling: AK Press. Bantman, Constance The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism. Springer Publishing. Bates, David In Paul Wetherly ed. Political Ideologies. Oxford University Press. Bolloten, Burnett University of North Carolina Press. Bookchin, Murray Bookchin, Murray []. The Anarchist Library. Brooks, Frank H. Transaction Publishers. Carter, April The Political Theory of Anarchism. Carlson, Andrew Anarchism in Germany. Metuchen: Scarecrow Press.

Archived from the original on 24 October American Society for Political and Legal Philosophy. Chaliand, Gerard; Blin, Arnaud, eds. Christoyannopoulos, Alexandre Exeter: Imprint Academic. Copleston, Frederick Charles 1 January Debord, Guy Society of the Spectacle. Translated by Ken Knabb. London: Rebel Press. Denham, Diana PM Press. Archived from the original pdf on 22 June Barcelona: Virus Editorial.

Dirlik, Arif Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution. Berkeley: University of California Press. Dodson, Edward The Discovery of First Principles. Esenwein, George Richard 1 January Anarchist Ideology and the Working-class Movement in Spain, University of California Press. Everhart, Robert B Pacific Institute for Public Policy Research. Post-Anarchism: A Reader. Pluto Press. Sharp Press. Fidler, Geoffrey C. History of Education Quarterly. Flint, Colin Wiley-Blackwell published 23 April Archived from the original PDF on 23 May Fowler, R.

Western Political Quarterly. Jun, Nathan Gabardi, Wayne The American Political Science Review. Gelderloss, Peter Anarchy Works. Ardent Press. Goodway, David Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow. Liverpool Press. Goodwin, Barbara Using Political Ideas, Sixth edition.

Graham, Robert Archived from the original on 30 November Retrieved 5 March We Do Not Fear Anarchy? Guerin, Daniel Anarchism: from theory to practice. Monthly Review Press. Harrison, Kevin; Boyd, Tony 5 December Understanding Political Ideas and Movements. Hern, Matt []. Archived from the original on 1 March Retrieved 1 March Heywood, Andrew 16 February Political Ideologies: An Introduction 6th ed.

Macmillan International Higher Education. Honderich, Ted The Oxford Companion to Philosophy. Imrie, Doug Anarchy: a Journal Of Desire Armed. Archived from the original on 8 September Retrieved 9 December Illich, Ivan Deschooling Society. New York: Harper and Row. Isaacs, Stuart; Sparks, Chris 20 May Political Theorists in Context. Joll, James The Anarchists. Harvard University Press. Kahn, Joseph The New York Times 5 August. Klosko, George Political Obligations. Kowal, Donna M. Landauer, Carl Laursen, Ole Birk Levy, Carl 8 May Journal for the Study of Radicalism.

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Long, Roderick Gerald F. Gaus; Fred D'Agostino eds. Marshall, Peter Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. Macphee, Josh Realizing the Impossible. Mayne, Alan James Greenwood Publishing Group. Retrieved 20 September McElroy, Wendy Journal of Libertarian Studies. Retrieved 13 September Retrieved 29 November McLaughlin, Paul Aldershot: Ashgate published 28 November Archived from the original PDF on 4 August Meltzer, Albert 1 January Anarchism: Arguments for and Against.

Morris, Brian January Bakunin: The Philosophy of Freedom. Black Rose Books. Morris, Christopher W. An Essay on the Modern State. Cambridge University Press. Moynihan, Colin In Spirit, Anyway". New York Times 16 April. Moya, Jose C In Geoffroy de Laforcade ed. Kirwin R. University Press of Florida. Nettlau, Max A Short History of Anarchism. Freedom Press. Newman, Saul The Politics of Postanarchism. Edinburgh University Press. Nomad, Max In Drachkovitch, Milorad M. Revolutionary Internationals — Stanford University Press.

Ortega, Carlos Winter Asociacion para el Desarrollo Naturista de la Comunidad de Madrid. Ossar, Michael Anarchism in the Dramas of Ernst Toller. SUNY Press. Ostergaard, Geoffrey In Thomas Bottomore ed. Blackwell Publishing. Archived from the original PDF on 8 August William Outhwaite ed. Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Ostergaard, Geoffrey []. The pacifist and anarchist tradition". Parry, Richard The Bonnot Gang. Rebel Press. Pengam, Alain. Perlin, Terry M. Contemporary Anarchism. Pepper, David Modern Environmentalism: An Introduction.

Pernicone, Nunzio Italian Anarchism, Just Property: Enlightenment, Revolution, and History. Purkis, Jon Changing Anarchism. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Ramnath, Maia Ronsin, Francis Armand and "la camaraderie amoureuse" — Revolutionary sexualism and the struggle against jealousy" PDF.

Archived PDF from the original on 14 May Rupert, Mark Globalization and International Political Economy. Ryley, Peter Ryner, Han []. Han Ryner Archive. Sheehan, Sean First published in , this book explores the efforts to counteract the high maternal and infant death rates present between the end of the nineteenth century and the Second World War. It looks at the problem in five different continents and shows the varying approaches used by the governments, First published in , this book is based on a course of lectures on poetry and prose given at Cambridge University during the long vacations of A request for lectures of this kind came originally from a group of science students and the response was such that a course of this nature To some, Islamic Fundamentalism means the restoration of a true religion.

To others, it is a politics that stands apart from capitalism and socialism. To many Westerners, particularly in the past decade, it has come to constitute a threat to established order and international security. There can First published the following year, in First published in , Inside the Middle East is a definitive study of the region.

It provides a clear, concise description of the complex social, political and economic life of the Middle East. Beginning with an outline of the birth and growth of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula and the history of First published in , this book provides an important critical review on the theory of futures trading. Goss looks at the work and ideas of Keynes and Hicks on futures, and considers how these have also been developed by Kaldor. New York: Penguin. Horkheimer, M. On the problem of truth. In Between philosophy and social science, — Dialectic of enlightenment.

Illich, I. Deschooling society. New York: Marion Boyars, Jaeger, W. Paideia: The ideals of Greek culture, vol. New York: Oxford University Press, Jameson, F. Late Marxism. London: Verso. Introduction 31 Kellner, D. Herbert Marcuse and the crisis of Marxism. Herbert Marcuse: Technology, war, and fascism. Herbert Marcuse: Towards a critical theory of society. Marcuse and the quest for radical subjectivity. In Critical theory and the human condition, ed. Peters, C. Lankshear, and M. Olssen, 67— New York: Peter Lang.

Technological transformation, multiple literacies, and the re-visioning of education. E-Learning 1 1 : 9— Herbert Marcuse: The New Left and the s. Herbert Marcuse: Art and liberation. Kennedy, D. Well of being: Childhood, subjectivity, and education. Kors, A. The shadow university. New York: HarperCollins. Laclau, E. Hegemony and socialist strategy. Luke, T.

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Marcuse and ecology. In Marcuse: From the New Left to the next left, ed. Bokina and T. Lukes, — Marcuse, H. Reason and revolution. Eros and civilization. Soviet Marxism. One-dimensional man. Repressive tolerance. In A critique of pure tolerance, ed. Boston: Beacon. Love mystified: A critique of Norman O. Commentary 43 2 : 71— The responsibility of science. In The responsibility of power: Historical essays in honor of Hajo Holborn, ed. Krieger and F. Stern, — London: Macmillan. An essay on liberation.

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Letter written in support of Angela Davis. Counterrevolution and revolt. Lecture given at Kent State, April The aesthetic dimension. Marx, K. Compulsory education. In Karl Marx on education, women, and children, ed. Padover, 32— New York: McGraw-Hill. Meier, D. Wood, eds. America by design. New York: Oxford University Press. Peters, M. Freeman-Moir, eds. Edutopias: New utopian thinking in education. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Pippin, R. Feenberg, and C.

Webel, eds. Marcuse: Critical theory and the promise of utopia. Reitz, C. Art, alienation, and the humanities. Herbert Marcuse and the new culture wars: Campus codes, hate speech, and the critique of pure tolerance. New Political Science 25 2 : — Saltman, K. Collateral damage: Corporatizing public schools: A threat to democracy. Capitalizing on disaster: Taking and breaking public schools. Whitebook, J. Perversion and utopia: A study in psychoanalysis and critical theory. The ticklish subject: The absent centre of political ontology.

Santer, and K. Neighbors and other monsters: A plea for ethical violence. In The neighbor: Three inquiries in political theology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. It is typical of his lectures of the period and succeeding public lectures in which he types and writes out an entire lecture, different for each occasion. Education is the teaching and learning of knowledge considered necessary for the protection and enhancement of human life.

General education is a very recent concept. Education is not general even today. And in fact it is still largely an upper class privilege because educational inequality is an expression of social inequality. Knowledge, intelligence, reason are catalysts of social change. Therefore, education is suspect, and, most interesting, this distrust, this fear of reason, intelligence, and education has been instilled into the underlying population.

An identification is made with the masters, which protects their dominion. Intellectuals are considered dangerous. Anti-intellectualism serves as revenge against oppression and as instrument and acceptance of oppression: better not to know too much. In spite of this dual opposition, the tendency toward general education gains momentum on a very material basis: the need of industrial society to increase the supply of skilled workers and employees, especially the need for scientists, technicians, etc.

This dialectic is reflected in the historical development of the social sciences. After the consolidation of the bourgeois revolution, it took the program of a rational, scientific organization of the new society: Saint Simon. It began to conflict with the vested interests of the new ruling classes and its fight against the growing opposition from below—the turn to socialism: the School of Saint-Simon.

Consequently, it split into two trends: a Radically transcendent: utopian and scientific socialism; b Empirical-positivistic: Departments of Human Relations, Social Engineering, and Market Research. Lecture on Education, Brooklyn College, 35 Now to the present situation. The purpose of the historical sketch is to point to the internal political factor in education, derived from the transcendent character of reason—not metaphysical but empirical transcendence to the real possibilities of protecting and enhancing life, human freedom, which meant, and still means, social, political transcendence beyond the established culture.

The established culture today seems geared to the distortion and destruction of life rather than the opposite, geared to the struggle against liberation rather than to freedom. For, and here is the novel situation, we have learned that there can be no freedom in a society permeated with oppression, brutality, hypocrisy, and aggression no matter how free the choices within this society, no matter how free the elections within this society, and no matter how far away the victims.

By its own inner dynamic, education thus leads beyond the classroom, beyond the university, into the political dimension, and into the moral, instinctual dimension. Education of the whole man, changing his nature! And in both these extensions—into the political and the moral—the driving power is the same: the application of knowledge to the improvement of the human condition, and, the liberation of the mind, and of the body, from aggressive and repressive needs.

This truism may turn out to be a dangerous truth if it is really translated into operational terms—terms that are not necessarily identical with those of the Establishment but may well define action and behavior patterns incompatible with those of the Establishment. Education today takes place in a society which intensifies the social ambivalence of education to the breaking point.

On the one hand, their mutual dependence: society depends on education, education on financial support from the government, Foundations, etc. Its value: education for the Establishment. On the other hand, the transcendent force of knowledge beyond the Establishment. Its value: education for a better, different society against the Establishment.

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The two conflicting values are becoming irreconcilable to the degree to which the society develops into a Welfare-Warfare State with total mobilization of the people, standardization of thought, and intensified repression of the opposition which aims to break with the established system. The two parties are of very unequal strength. The danger is that the educational establishment 36 Herbert Marcuse will be absorbed by the larger Establishment, and a whole generation will be educated in the knowledge and goals of a sick society, permeated with aggression, violence, hypocrisy, and indifference.

This education in sickness takes place largely against the will and intent of the educators and this is not a conspiracy! It takes place in the clean, clear medium of objectivity, open-mindedness, discussion, and toleration. I believe that, at least in the social and political sciences, this objectivity and neutrality are spurious, deceptive. It is the objectivity of methods, terms, standards which remain within the framework of the established culture, which do not question this culture itself.

But science must question this culture itself in as much as science is concerned with the history of man, and this history is still the struggle between master and slave, rich and poor, aggressor and defender. Learning and teaching must place themselves in the service of the former against the latter.

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These are the limits of toleration—the objective, historical limits of toleration! Toleration must be, but is not enough! And the tolerance we practice is a false, deceptive tolerance which causes the illusion of equality and freedom, while operating within a structure of a priori discrimination, unequal treatment, and unequal effect. The voice of the Establishment is heard day and night over the media of mass communication—the program as well as commercials, information as well as advertisement—and is heard through the machine of each of the two parties. The voice of the radical opposition is sometimes heard [but] through no machine.

It has no promising jobs to give, no money to buy adherents and friends. Within this structure of basic inequality, the radical opposition can be tolerated up to the point where it tries to break through the limits of its weakness, through the illusion of democracy, and then it meets the reality of democracy, as the police, the National Guard, and the courts.

It is institutionalized violence against civil disobedience. To be sure, violence must be punished, Law and Order must be, and Law and Order has the legitimate monopoly on violence, institutionalized violence. This legitimate violence confronts any action by the opposition which transcends the limits set by, and enforced by established Law and Order, i. Question: does this basic fact not make an established social system selfperpetuating? And does it not make radical change identical with civil disobedience illegal, illegitimate change?

Not in a democracy, in which popular sovereignty, by majority vote, can legitimatize radical change, and this ma- Lecture on Education, Brooklyn College, 37 jority can freely constitute and renew itself through discussion, education, persuasion, etc. Has such a democracy ever existed? And what are the preconditions for such a democracy?

Where these conditions do not prevail, the established majority tends to be self-perpetuating, though changeable and shifting within the Establishment. Then, the democratic process is blocked in democratic forms, and the objectivity, neutrality, and tolerance of the democratic society tend to perpetuate the status quo.

To create the democratic basis, to restore the historical balance, means to lower the built-in barrier against social change. And this involves partisanship for the movements of change for the opposition, which has the historical chance for preparing the ground for a better, more humane society. And this opposition will also affect the university. It will lead to a radicalization of education, to the opening of the closed, and protected, academic universe: a political education.

It is a counter-politicalization, counter-attack, that is, defense against the oppressive power of an increasingly aggressive and brutal system, in which education for life tends to become education for death.

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The meaning for the university is to struggle for the exclusion, from the campus, of all research and teaching financed by government agencies or Foundations that serve the war effort, including outer space programs; the exclusion of all recruitment for the armed forces and industries serving the war effort; the exclusion of speakers defending and propagandizing racist, imperialist, exploitative movements and policies. And in contrast, there should be the critical analysis of fascism, imperialism, and the like. In one word: education for discriminating tolerance, that is, the nontoleration of demonstrable aggressive and destructive movements.

In the age of technological mass domination, the traditional distinction between speech and action becomes inadequate to the degree to which speech is effective propaganda, playing on the aggressive and destructive impulses of man, and anesthetizing him against brutality and deception. The transition 38 Herbert Marcuse from propaganda to action, word to behavior, is immediate and constant.

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Thus, the threat to our life must be met not only at the stage of action, but already at the stage of speech, of propaganda, of thought! Regarding the first objection, in every given historical situation, the basic tendencies are discernable which operate in the society.

Their analysis would show what would happen in the society if any one of the contesting tendencies would become predominant, that is, what would happen in terms of economic, political, and cultural development. Consequently—and this leads to the second objection—what would be involved would be the replacement of one administration by another one. Hopefully, one that is more intelligent, more open, and more willing to subordinate particular vested interests to the global interest of humanity.

Since Freud, we know conscience as super-ego is a special force and factor. In order to meet the threat, education must become partisan, that is, against oppression, militarization, and brutalization. True, this kind of education may well reduce the protective barriers which separate the classroom from the reality outside. But democracy is not merely a system of established institutions and constitutions, which becomes an end-in-itself even if it no longer fulfills its end.

In this sense, democracy is only to be created, and if its established form militates against the radical changes which would lead to such democracy, we must not be afraid of such changes. The twelve-page typescript lecture was hand-corrected. How does it become a man to behave toward this American government today?

I answer: that he cannot, without disgrace, be associated with it. We have tried peace education for one thousand nine hundred years. Let us try revolution and see what it will do now. But it is also true that we cannot wait for the revolution in order to become human beings, to eradicate sexism and racism in ourselves, to learn solidarity with the victims, to free ourselves from the cynicism and hypocrisy of the Established morality. In other words, the radical consciousness, and the vital need for radical change must emerge within the existing society and its institutions—there is no without!

The economic and political base of US capitalism is progressively weakening. The productive forces are wasted and turned into forces of destruction. The society reproduces itself increasingly through unproductive labor. However, are the subjective conditions [for revolution maturing]? Revolutions are still made by human beings. Men and women who can no longer tolerate what this society is doing to them, whose minds and bodies rebel.

And today, radical social change presupposes men and women who not only want production relations without exploitation— that is, a planned economy, the equal distribution of the social wealth—but also, a life that is no longer spent in making a living—that is, an end-in-itself, to be enjoyed in solidarity with other free human beings, and nature. This would be a total transformation, subverting not only the political economic institutions, but also the established hierarchy of values and needs, striving for a qualitatively different life in all dimensions, a different life-environment, a different Reality Principle.

In other words, radical social change today would also presuppose radical change in the mental structure of the individuals, in their drives, needs, and values. Now I suggest that such changes are actually going on, not only among the youth, intellectuals, etc. In short, faith in the necessity, in the basic values of capitalism is crumbling. This weakening of social cohesion and integration, the emergence of a new consciousness, and of new needs incompatible with the system, emerged as a threatening political force on a global scale in the sixties.

The rulers recognized the danger better than the rebels, and answered with the streamlining and scientification of repression the period of counterrevolution. In this reactionary reorganization of monopoly capitalism, violent suppression is only the last resort. Otherwise, one relies on economic pressure and electronic controls. Great emphasis is given to education. Intellectual labor plays an increasing role in the social process of reproduction.

The mind, which gains increasing use value, must be taken in hand. Even in its unconscious dimension, it must be deflected from the possibilities of liberation. For example, the neutralized language and syntax of false consensus, the search for exact definitions, and research in what you already know.

This is not the relaxing of scholarship, not the reduction of learning, not the abandonment of the scientific attitude, but their redirection, their emancipation. After having gone through this mill, you easily believe, and introject, the two basic propositions which you are supposed to believe and introject: 1 that your frustration, indignation, alienation, etc. Both propositions are wrong, but readily tend to become selfvalidating hypotheses! Perhaps the opposite must be done. The sweep of psychology today has been made into a powerful means of de-politization.

It wants us to become sane in a sick society, to look for fulfillment in a society which denies fulfillment, by escaping from this society. The concern with our subjectivity, which remains a private affair, private emancipation, remains also self-defeating. The identity thus found would be spurious. Emancipation would become one huge Ego trip, where the Ego is lost already at the point of departure. Because today, our Ego and Id is constituted by the interplay between our innermost personal desires, needs, pleasures, pains, and the society which shapes and takes care of them in its own way.

The point is that in the age of monopoly capital, society is no more only an external dimension, an outside of ourselves. We introject the atmosphere of decay and destruction, waste and misery, brutality and deception with every merchandize we buy, every program we watch, every pleasure we have, every trip we make including the Ego trip. Our Ego—even, our unconscious—is shaped by these features of our society.

However, the inward movement is ambivalent. There is, in Marxian theory, a long-standing trend to neglect the individual subject after all, the agent of all action. Class-consciousness is mediated by individual consciousness, and without strong roots of protest in the individuals, no revolutionary masses! To 42 Herbert Marcuse be sure, subversion within, the subjective emancipation from repressive needs, attitudes, and behavior patterns is determined by the objective conditions.

But it is up to the individual to find in these given conditions the external and the internal means to change them. Similarly, the strategy of the individual change, the subversion of the conformist subjectivity, seems to call for a strategy of small groups that are political and psychological in one. Their work focused, not on a nice release, but on an autocritique of our psyche: learning to distinguish between behavior which reproduces in ourselves the Establishment often in the guise of radicalism!

In short, it is the internal transformation of the psychological into the political, of therapy into political education. See ! First, has changed things. Our society is not the same. There is a dual trend: the organization of the counterrevolution, and the internal weakening of social integration.

Moreover, students played a decisive role in the civil rights movement, in the ending of the bombings in Cambodia, and in ending the war in Vietnam. And students have been in the forefront of radical opposition the world over! Now for a few remarks on the possibilities of action, and passion, within the university and the community. They cannot be anything very spectacular: work under the counterrevolution does not permit adventure and play with revolution!

In things that really decide our fate and that of our society, we can be neutral, objective, only if we abstract from the power structure which determines what is real. The alternative is not a free-wheeling emotionalism, intolerance, but another concept and another practice of objectivity, another interpretation of facts, namely, in terms of the given possibilities to build a better society through radically changing the established one.

We insist on the objectivity of this goal. The common interest of all people, not only the proletariat! We in- Lecture on Higher Education and Politics, Berkeley, 43 sist on a scientific attitude when we insist on the liberation of science from its abuse for exploitation, destruction, and domination.

We are empiricists not purveyors of utopias. Not deschool society, but reschool it. To attain our goal, we need knowledge. It is still true that theory is the guide of radical practice. We need history because we need to know how it came about that civilization is what it is today: where it went wrong. And we need the history not only of the victors, but also of the victims. We need a sociology which can show us where the real power is that shapes the social structure.

We need science in order to reduce toil, pain, disease, and to restore nature. And outside the university? But under the counterrevolution, and in the present situation of monopoly capitalism, what was formerly harmless becomes increasingly intolerable for the power structure.

The space for concessions increasingly narrows! And there is still room for political activity. A resumption of the tradition of the sixties: boycotts, pickets, demonstrations against the brutal support of fascist regimes, the policy of soaking the poor, racism and sexism, and the destruction of our life environment. Demonstrations at the right time and on concrete issues! And one last remark. You are the workers in the material process of production. If the liberation of the working class can only be the task of the working class, the liberation of the intellectual workers can likewise only be their own task!

Both movements must converge and cooperate, but before you establish unity with the workers, establish unity among yourselves! Suspend the interminable debates on what is Marxist, or Marxist-Leninist, or Trotskyist, or Maoist strategy. These debates have no relation to our reality! They counter act the most vital need: the establishment of a united front, the quantitative growth of the movement, until quantity turns into quality!

Demonstrations on a national level may well change national policy! If you feel only despair, hopelessness, apathy, then, you have given in to Establishment propaganda. It is still up to you to deny this propaganda! On one hand we have the ritual of standardization. If Peter McLaren once argued that schooling is a ritual performance , then we have seen the ascension of its secularized, bureaucratized form at last.

Here the eternal return of endless testing drains education of its meaning, creating an intolerable redundancy. The true measure of ritual testing in the contemporary era has been the elimination of recess as well as many play-based classroom activities in the name of educational efficiency Olfman On the other hand, we have theories of play such as that represented by A. But is the radical turn toward play really a solution to the eternal return of ritual testing in public education?

It is my contention here that the split between play and ritual in education results in the loss of experience entirely. Drawing on the works of Giorgio Agamben and Herbert Marcuse, I argue that experience is located in the zone of indistinction between the two. In conclusion, I suggest that the question of play, ritual, and experience is ultimately a biopolitical question concerning the nature of human life, and of educational life more specifically.

Because of the biopolitical dimension to the question of play, ritual, and experience, I will read Agamben and Marcuse together in order to understand how experience emerges from the gap that separates and joins play and ritual in the classroom. I am thinking of Herbert Marcuse and his revolutionary reading of Freud. If, as Agamben argues, Arendt was never able to articulate her biopolitical theory of the human condition with her work on totalitarianism, then we can also argue that Agamben was unsuccessful in articulating his early theory of play with his later work concerning biopower as a power over life.

The reason for this missed articulation is precisely the gap in his linguistic theory that would enable him to bridge the two projects. This gap concerns the existence of the body in play—a dimension explored in full by Marcuse. But, at the same time, Agamben enables us to correct a tendency in Marcuse to overemphasize play as a new human ontology.

As such, we must mediate the two positions in order to come to a new understanding of play that a radicalizes its biopolitical dimensions and b limits its encroachment onto experience. Play concerns itself with the opening up of time outside of the cyclic nature of the ritual. Nowhere is the historical nature of play more apparent than in the figure of the toy. The toy, once removed from use or exchange value embodies temporality liberated from sacred or economic determinants. Thus children who play with toys are in a philosophical sense playing with time.

The prime example of the toy is actually trash. While this observation might at first sound rather ridiculous, other philosophers and so- Biopower, Play, and Experience in Education 47 cial theorists have likewise observed the unique connections between children and refuse. For instance, famed utopian dreamer Charles Fourier imagined a world in which adults would never have to take care of garbage control. Recognizing the unique love of trash that children express, Fourier fancifully speculated that children should manage trash collection as a way to transform personal interest into socially useful labor.

As with Agamben, the work of play is a transformative one akin to the work of bricolage, which unleashes new signifiers from the socially discarded husk of trash. This transformation ruptures the continuity between the mythic past and the present synchronic fixity of ritual by opening up the experience of time to the possibilities of the event diachronic difference.

First, to recycle means to enter back into the cycle of utility. Instead of decaying, these objects emerge as full of possible uses and can be plugged back into the life world of the consumer. The other popular adult pastime involving detritus is that of reclamation. Reclamation is not so much recycling use values as recalculating exchange-values.

Thus reclamation hunts down forgotten objects in order to return them to the market to be bought and sold. In both of these cases—recycling and reclamation—trash becomes a recognizable signified of either utility or the market. The value produced by playing with toys is of a different nature entirely— generating new signifiers out of decayed signifieds. In other words, the value produced through play is not akin to the values produced by labor which is necessary for survival or work as the production of the world of things.

Here the value is not of the present reality but rather of the right life. What is unleashed by play is something more precarious, more singular, and more nebulous: an untimely value.